Zaporozhian Cossacks

Note  comment to the below:

May 29 2012 14:18 .The Zaporozhian love of freedom was, above all, an indigenous expression. While disrupted by Tsarism this impulse lived on in the soul of the Ukrainian peasantry intermittently enflamed by the agrarian disturbances of the region. In the Makhnovist context, the Zaporozhian tradition provided both a foundation and implicit rationale for the movement’s instinctual anarchism. The Makhnovist-Zaporozhian connection is not straightforward but is perhaps best conceptualized as, in the words of I. Kravchenko, a “religion of freedom." Kravchenko suggests:




This religion of freedom and instinctual anarchism was put in a glorified context with no clear conmection.The connection quite correctly is not straightforward.



The irony is that the Cossacks were absorbed by the Tsars as tools of oppression to silence and butcher the revolutionaires and used by the white army in pogroms of the Jews in Brisk in 1918 and other times during Hetman Khmelnytsky's massacres and pogroms of thousands with hatchets and clubs, so my research has indicated in the 1600s. My mother was girl of age 5 who survived these Cossacks and white Russians , if such they were in Brisk Lihuania(Belarus).Yet they valued freedom so much as anarchism tends to find romantic glory in the distant past, and to idealize that past.



Edward Yablonsky.

www.edwardsliteracylog.blogspot.com



http://libcom.org/history/makhnovists-beyond-rapids-zaporozhian-cossack-influence
Zaporozhian Cossacks.




At the Historical Musuem in Dnipropretrovsk an unassuming note dated November 27th 1919 bears the signature of Bat’ko Makhno. The note, promising security and financial assistance to the museum, was issued to the famous historian of the Zaporozhian Cossacks and then museum director Dmytro Yavornytsky. Beyond these details contained in the note the meeting of Yavornytsky and Makhno has receded into the realm of popular lore. According to legend, the Makhnovist counterintelligence came to the Yavornytsky’s home demanding he open the museum to fulfill necessary ‘contributions’. Understanding the seriousness of the situation Yavornytsky demanded an audience with Makhno who in turn requested a tour of the museum. During the tour, Makhno, quite fascinated by the exhibitions, requested an ancient Cossack drinking bottle as a present. In later renditions this bottle is described as an ‘elixir of life’ capable of giving immortality to its drinker. [12, p. 114]

Yavornytsky protested arguing the museum owned only two such artifacts. Makhno apparently responded by saying “For history one bottle of vodka is enough,” and took the bottle for himself. Makhno then asked to see the sword of a famous Hetman. Not to be fooled twice, Yavornytsky directed the Bat’ko’s attention towards a rusty artifact. In all, the visit was kindly and Makhno even refers to the director as “friend” in his security note. The following day fourteen cartloads of coal were delivered to the museum to help Yavornytsky through the winter months. As a final request Yavornytsky was asked to lecture on the Zaporozhian Cossacks to the Makhnovist army staff. Unfortunately the lecture was never held as Makhno was soon forced to evacuate the city. [5]
 
The Yavornytsky-Makhno meeting is a fascinating blend of history and folk memory illustrative of how the Zaporozhian heritage contributed to the Makhnovist identity. Arthur E. Adams writes: “Any effort to identify the motives of the peasant rebellions of 1918-1920 must begin with a consideration of the most powerful and glorious of all Ukrainian traditions—that of the Zaporozhian Cossacks.” [1, p. 249] Particularly for the peasant rank and file, their movement was intimately linked to the unique historical traditions of the Zaporozhian Host. The Zaporozhian tradition is a critical recurring theme in the Makhnovist narrative. It served as a wellspring of collective cultural memory and encouraged the social cohesion of the movement via references to a shared history, culture, and characteristic libertarian impulse.
 
Eighteenth century southern Ukraine was largely an unconquered territory. Ostensibly claimed by the Ottoman and Russian Empires, southern Ukraine in reality functioned as a grand refuge for peasants and outcasts seeking to escape the reach of lord and state. Voline writes that “thus for centuries, the Ukraine was the promised land of fugitives of every kind.” [16, p. 545] Beginning in the 15th century peasants that fled to the borderlands [ukraina] in search of ‘the free life’ [vol’nitsa] came to be called Cossacks. Derived from the south Turkic word qazak, or adventurer, in the Ukrainian context it came to refer to “the free, masterless man who lacked a well-defined place in society and who lived on its unsettled periphery.” [15, p. 108]. The Cossacks formed confraternities, or hosts, based around the Don and Dnieper rivers. These exclusively male encampments were open to all Christians irrespective of social background and members were free to leave at their own behest
The most fiercely independent of the Cossacks was the Zaporozhian Host. This group established their capital, or Sich, “beyond the rapids” [za porogy] in the islands of the lower Dnieper, near what would become the city of Alexandrovsk (modern day Zaporozhye). Voline describes the Zaporozhians as “men in love with liberty” who had “struggled for centuries against the attempts at enslavement by various neighbours.” [16, p. 544] The physical location of the host was integral to their free way of life providing a natural defence against Russians and Poles to the north and Turkic Tatars to the south. By the mid-17th century the Zaporozhians occupied an independent buffer zone in what would later become the provinces of Ekaterinoslav and Kherson. [8, p. 15] It is telling that the Zaporozhian and Makhnovist regions of influence correspond to a great extent. While the Zaporozhians were great allies in war, they were considered a disruptive presence during peacetime by the imperial powers. Frequently the Cossacks rose in rebellion, with the surrounding peasantry following suit “as if to an arranged signal.” [9, p. 181] The last centuries of Zaporozhian independence witnessed the famous Cossack rebellions of Stenka Razin, Bohdan Khmelnytsky and Emelian Pugachev. The Zaporozhian Sich also served as a supply and recruitment base for the right-bank haidamaky movement in their struggle against the Polish nobility. (15, 192) Despite their resistance to all outsiders, an encroaching Russian Empire gradually eroded Cossack independence through the cooption of the leadership and the recognition of special rights in return for military service. Those who refused these terms were violently repressed. Using Pugachev’s rebellion as a pretext, Catherine the Great ordered the Zaporozhian Sich destroyed in 1775. In the process, the Zaporozhian leadership was exiled. Some relocated to the Kuban region while the remaining population was gradually enserfed.




While the Zaporozhians were great allies in war, they were considered a disruptive presence during peacetime by the imperial powers. Frequently the Cossacks rose in rebellion, with the surrounding peasantry following suit “as if to an arranged signal.” [9, p. 181] The last centuries of Zaporozhian independence witnessed the famous Cossack rebellions of Stenka Razin, Bohdan Khmelnytsky and Emelian Pugachev. The Zaporozhian Sich also served as a supply and recruitment base for the right-bank haidamaky movement in their struggle against the Polish nobility. (15, 192) Despite their resistance to all outsiders, an encroaching Russian Empire gradually eroded Cossack independence through the cooption of the leadership and the recognition of special rights in return for military service. Those who refused these terms were violently repressed. Using Pugachev’s rebellion as a pretext, Catherine the Great ordered the Zaporozhian Sich destroyed in 1775. In the process, the Zaporozhian leadership was exiled. Some relocated to the Kuban region while the remaining population was gradually enserfed.


 
While never able to recover their former way of life, the spirit of volnitsa continued to flow through the veins of the toiling peasantry. Nationalist author L. Vynar, no friend to Makhno, was of the opinion that, “[Gulyai Polye's] inhabitants are mostly descendants of the old Cossack times, who have down to the present preserved the true Zaporozhian traditions.” [11, p. xx] The majority of Makhnovists descended directly from the Zaporozhians Cossacks and retained a strong cultural memory of their history through folk tales and song.




A specifically Zaporozhian tradition evolved over time, described by Adams as “a genuine egalitarianism, an anarchistic love of personal freedom that expressed itself in a profound distrust of all authority, and a proud tradition that, when a true Cossack is oppressed, he will rebel and fight with a fine disregard for consequences.” [1, p. 249] Integral to the Zaporozhian way of life was an early form of direct democracy, in which atamany [military chiefs] were elected at open councils [rady]. All Cossacks, regardless of their socioeconomic status, were free to participate in these often-boisterous elections. In contrast to their cousins on the right-bank of the Dnieper, the Zaporozhians experienced less social inequality and more restrictions on the power of their atamany in peacetime.


The Zaporozhians’ love of freedom could even extend to peoples outside their clan. In an event foreshadowing Makhnovist practices, the Zaporozhians released thousands of Turkish slaves in 1616 during a raid on Kaffa in the Crimea. [15, p. 112] All social outcasts and runaways seeking the free life were welcome to join the host. More surprisingly, and out of step with the other hosts, the Zaporozhians accepted Jews into their ranks. [9, 56] In his time Makhno would consciously adopt a policy of friendship towards Jews. The movement benefited from the participation of numerous Jewish intellectuals and ethnically Jewish battalions.




For Voline and Arshinov the influence of the Cossack heritage on the evolution of Ukrainian psychology cannot be underestimated. All three of our main sources for the Makhnovist narrative invoke Zaporozhian traditions as central to the indigenous development of the movement. Arshinov considered the presence of “the traditions of the Vol’nitsa … preserved from ancient times” as the most important Ukrainian factor facilitating the rise of the Makhnovshchina. [2, p. 50) For Voline the historical presence of the Zaporozhian tradition and its preservation in the memory of the peasantry through the years of enserfment is proof of a qualitative difference between the Ukrainian and Russian peasantry:



Certain parts of the Ukraine never allowed themselves to be wholly subjugated, as had happened in Great Russia. Their population always preserved a spirit of independence, of resistance, of popular rebellion. Relatively cultivated and refined, individualistic and capable of taking the initiative without flinching, jealous of his independence, warlike by tradition, ready to defend himself and accustomed, for centuries, to feel free and his own master, the Ukrainian was in general never subjugated to that total slavery – not only of the body but also of the spirit – characterized the population of the rest of Russia. [16, p. 544]

All factions of the civil war recognized the Makhnovshchina’s distinct Zaporozhian spirit. Anarchist Josef Gotman, remarked that, “in [Makhno’s] veins flowed the blood of Zaporog Cossack ancestors renowned for their independent spirit and fighting qualities.” [3] The White General A. Shkuro, remarked of the Makhnovists that they “take pride in calling themselves “Cossacks” and fantasize about re-establishing the Zaporozhian [Host].” Passing through Ekaterinoslav the peasants voiced their support of Makhno saying, “it doesn’t matter whether we’re Ukrainians or Russians, just that we’re Cossacks.” [13, Chapter 22] The Bolshevik Alexandra Kollontai wrote that “the village of Guylai-Polye took the form of a form of a fortified camp, reminiscent of old Zaporozhye.” [Pravda February 14, 1919, cited in 4] Likewise, during a May 1919 visit to Guylai-Polye, L. Kamenev’s assistant recalled that he felt as though he had been “transported back among the Zaporogs of the 18th century.” [cited in 14, p. 292] All levels of observers recognized the Zaporozhian influence. For example, in March 1919 the Supreme Military Inspectorate observed that, “Parts of Makhno’s army are strongly imbued with the spirit and traditions of a free Zaporozhye.” [cited in 4]




For Makhno himself, the Zaporozhian heritage was integral to his identity. He writes in his memoirs:



My mother often told me about the lives of the Zaporozhian Cossacks, about their free communes in the old days. I had once read Gogol’s novel Taras Bulba and was thrilled with the customs and traditions of the people of those times. But it never occurred to me that the day would come when I would feel myself their heir, and they would become for me a source of inspiration for the rebirth of this free country. [Makhno, A Rebellious Youth, 33]



During the agrarian disturbances of 1905 Makhno’s comrade A. Semenyuta would rally the local anarchist-communist group with the words: “A big cheer to you, children of the people, famous great-grandsons of the Cossacks!” [4] Peasant delegates from the region to the All Russian Peasant Congress in November 1905 similarly stated: “In our people there lives to this day that sense of freedom which was found among the Zaporozhian Cossacks.” [cited in 8, p. 236]

Nevertheless, Makhno was not one to romanticize the Cossack’s traditional role. He was well aware that the Cossacks over time had become “tools of the ruling class.” Makhno reflects in his memoirs:







Ever since they settled ages ago on the Don and Donetz, along the Kuban and the Terek, they had been the butchers of any attempt by labour to free itself. Yes, the Cossacks throughout their history had been the executioners for the toilers of Russia. Many of them had already realized this, but many still went to meet the revolutionary toilers with sabre and whip in hand. [10, 143].




At a February 1918 General Assembly in Gulyai-Polye Makhno describes the gathering as “truly of the old ‘Zaporozhian Sich’ as we knew it from history books” but added as a caveat that “the peasants were not as credulous as in olden times and they no longer met to discuss questions of church and faith.” [10, 174] For Makhno the Zaporozhians were a source of inspiration but not immune from criticism.



The organization of the Makhnovist army also echoed its Zaporozhian past. Military commanders at all levels were elected and commonly referred to as atamany. Likewise, according to V. Chop, Makhno’s title of Bat’ko betrays a clear Zaporozhian influence. [4] Makhno’s elite “black sotnia [hundred]” is also a traditional Zaporozhian term for a regimental unit. Additionally, many of the Makhnovists’ tactical maneuvers were distinctly Cossack.

Nevertheless, Makhno was not one to romanticize the Cossack’s traditional role. He was well aware that the Cossacks over time had become “tools of the ruling class.” Makhno reflects in his memoirs:




Ever since they settled ages ago on the Don and Donetz, along the Kuban and the Terek, they had been the butchers of any attempt by labour to free itself. Yes, the Cossacks throughout their history had been the executioners for the toilers of Russia. Many of them had already realized this, but many still went to meet the revolutionary toilers with sabre and whip in hand. [10, 143].



At a February 1918 General Assembly in Gulyai-Polye Makhno describes the gathering as “truly of the old ‘Zaporozhian Sich’ as we knew it from history books” but added as a caveat that “the peasants were not as credulous as in olden times and they no longer met to discuss questions of church and faith.” [10, 174] For Makhno the Zaporozhians were a source of inspiration but not immune from criticism.



The organization of the Makhnovist army also echoed its Zaporozhian past. Military commanders at all levels were elected and commonly referred to as atamany. Likewise, according to V. Chop, Makhno’s title of Bat’ko betrays a clear Zaporozhian influence. [4] Makhno’s elite “black sotnia [hundred]” is also a traditional Zaporozhian term for a regimental unit. Additionally, many of the Makhnovists’ tactical maneuvers were distinctly Cossack.

Despite its clear influence on the Makhnovshchina any appeal to a common Zaporozhian heritage is conspicuously absent from the movement’s propaganda. Indeed, even in a June 1920 appeal to the Don and Kuban Cossacks there is no mention of a common heritage, they are simply appealed to as labouring peoples. [2, p. 270-273] Some commentators have interpreted this as evidence that the Zaporozhian-Makhnovist connection is exaggerated, or an artificial attempt to harmonize Ukrainian history. [7, p. 526; 4] However, as is evident, participants and observers were keenly aware of the movement’s Zaporozhian inspiration. A possible explanation is that Makhnovist propaganda was commonly produced by non-peasant anarchist intellectuals. Many members of the cultural-educational department were urban Jews who would not have shared the rank-and-file peasant’s common Zaporozhian heritage. As such, the Makhnovist vision was expressed in the more universal language of revolutionary anarchism as opposed to the culturally limited, and potentially chauvinistic, language of Zaporozhian cossackdom. Furthermore, there is evidence that the peasant leadership also consciously adopted this attitude. None of the movement’s early proclamations mention Zaporozhian heritage. From the beginning the Makhnovshchina sought to include all exploited peoples of the region and thus avoided ethnically exclusive rhetoric. Makhno himself actively opposed any manifestations of national chauvinism and would have frowned upon any attempt to rally the troops around ethnic traditions. His language, and the movement as a whole, was based on the common heritage of the toiling worker, regardless of ethnicity, language or religion.

Particularly illuminating is the proclamation entitled “1654”. Published November 27th 1919 in the Ukrainian-language Makhnovist daily Shliakh do Voli [Road to Freedom], the title refers to the Treaty of Pereyaslav in which Bohdan Khmelnytsky, on the heel of his uprising, accepted the overlordship of Muscovy. The exact intentions of Khmelnytsky are still debated by historians, however for the Makhnovists the treaty was clearly a treasonous affair. In a clear indictment of the treaty, the anonymous author states that a slave is still a slave whether under the rule of Hetman or Tsar. [6, Shliakh do Voli, November 27, 1919]. The proclamation exhibits a willingness to critically engage Zaporozhian history and serves as a clear warning against any blind glorification of the Host. It points the reader to a perspective beyond national prejudices and towards a common solidarity through the experience of slavery. Furthermore, it presents a characteristically Makhnovist interpretation of history in which the rebellious masses are consistently betrayed by a privileged leadership.

The Zaporozhian love of freedom was, above all, an indigenous expression. While disrupted by Tsarism this impulse lived on in the soul of the Ukrainian peasantry intermittently enflamed by the agrarian disturbances of the region. In the Makhnovist context, the Zaporozhian tradition provided both a foundation and implicit rationale for the movement’s instinctual anarchism. The Makhnovist-Zaporozhian connection is not straightforward but is perhaps best conceptualized as, in the words of I. Kravchenko, a “religion of freedom." Kravchenko suggests:




If we ignore the anarchist slogans in Makhnovist manifestos, the political system of the Makhnovist movement was a romantic attempt to replace modern social relations with an idealized popular fantasy borrowed from Cossack times, which would allow people to find fraternal equality and personal freedom. Anarchism was only a modern 20th century formulation, which embodied similar values. Its doctrine, with its references to the methods of science, offered a way to make this dream a reality, while downplaying its utopianism. [4]



As a narrative thread the Zaporozhian heritage operates in the substrata of the Makhnovist story: implicit in the movement’s common language of the movement but never explicitly propagandized. At a fundamental level anarchism and Zaporozhian Cossackdom are profoundly complementary, functioning to narratively link the past with the present.

Bilbliography




[1] Adams, Arthur E. “The Great Ukrainian Jacquerie.” In The Ukraine, 1917-1921: A Study in Revolution, edited by Taras Hunczak, pp. 247-270. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977.



[2] Arshinov, Peter. [1923] History of the Makhnovist Movement, 1918-1921. Translated by Lorraine and Fredy Perlman. London: Freedom Press, 2005.



[3] Berkman, Alexander. “The Man Who Saved Moscow”, Item 221. Alexander Berkman Papers, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.



[4] Chop, V.M. “Проблема традицій запорозького козацтва в історії махновського руху.” [“The Problem of the Zaporozhian Cossack Tradition in the History of the Makhnovist Movement”] Українське козацтво у вітчизняній та загальноєвропейській історії. Міжнародна наукова конференція. Тези доповідей. Одеса: 2005, pp. 69-70. http://www.makhno.ru/lit/chop/5.php



[5] Chop, V.M. “Ставлення до махновського руху з боку істориків запорозького козацтва Я.П.Новицького та Д.І.Яворницького.” [“The Zaporozhian Cossack Historians Navitsky and Yavornitsky’s Attitude Toward the Makhnovist Movement”] Матеріали Перших Новицьких читань. Запоріжжя: РА “Тандем-У”, 2002, pp.104-111. http://www.makhno.ru/lit/chop/16.php



[6] Chop V.M. “Газети махновського руху.” [“Newspapers of the Makhnovist Movement”] Наукові праці історичного факультету Запорізького державного університету. Запоріжжя: “Просвіта”, 2004, pp. 239-258. http://www.makhno.ru/lit/chop/6.php



[7] Darch, Colin. “The Myth of Nestor Makhno.” Economy and Society 14 (1985): 524-536.



[8] Friesen, Leonard. Rural Revolutions in Southern Ukraine: Peasants, Nobles and Colonists, 1774-1905. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008.



[9] Gordon, Linda. Cossack Rebellions: Social Turmoil in the Sixteenth Century Ukraine. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983.



[10] Makhno, Nestor. [1929] The Russian Revolution in Ukraine (March 1917 – April 1918). Translated by Malcolm Archibald. Edmonton: Black Cat Press, 2007.



[11] Malet, Michael. Nestor Makhno in the Russian Revolution. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 1982.



[12] Peters, Victor. Nestor Makhno: The Life of an Anarchist. Winnipeg: Echo Books, 1970.



[13] Shkuro, Andrei. Гражданская война в России: Записки белого партизана [“The Russian Civil War: Notes of A White Partisan”]. М.: ACT: Транзиткнига, 2004. http://militera.lib.ru/memo/russian/shkuro_ag/22.html



[14] Skirda, Alexandre. [1982] Nestor Makhno – Anarchy’s Cossack: The Struggle for Free Soviets in the Ukraine, 1917-1921. Translated by Paul Sharkey. Oakland: AK Press, 2004.



[15] Subtelny, Orest. [1988] Ukraine: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009, 4th edition.



[16] Voline. [1947] The Unknown Revolution. Translated by Fredy Perlman. Montréal: Black Rose Books, 1990.

Korkoro

Korkoro From Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search Korkoro

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korkoro


American DVD cover

Directed by Tony Gatlif

Produced by Tony Gatlif

Written by Tony Gatlif

Starring Marc Lavoine

Marie-Josée Croze

James Thiérrée

Music by Delphine Mantoulet

Tony Gatlif

Cinematography Julien Hirsch

Editing by Monique Darton

Studio Production Princes

France 3 Cinema

Rhone-Alpes Cinema

Distributed by UGC Distribution

Release date(s) August 2009 (2009-08) (Montréal Film Festival)

24 February 2010 (2010-02-24)



Running time 111 minutes

Country ‹See Tfd› France

Language French

Romani



Korkoro ("Freedom" in the Romani language) is a 2009 French drama film written and directed by Tony Gatlif, starring French actors Marc Lavoine, Marie-Josée Croze and James Thiérrée. The film's cast were of many nationalities such as Albanian, Kosovar, Georgian, Serbian, French, Norwegian, and the nine Romanies Gatlif found in Transylvania. The film also has a minor character that was played by an 11-year-old great-grandson of Django Reinhardt, a virtuoso jazz guitarist and composer of Manouche gypsy ethnicity.



Based on an anecdote about the Second World War by the Romani (Gypsy) historian Jacques Sigot, the film was inspired by the real story of a Romani who escaped the Nazis with help from compassionate French villagers, depicting the rarely documented subject of Porajmos (the Romani Holocaust).[1] Other than the Romanies, the film has a character representing the French Resistance drawn from the true story of Yvette Lundy, a French teacher who had been deported for forging the passports for Romanies. Gatlif intended the film to ba a documentary, but the lack of supporting documents caused him instead to present it as a drama.



The film premiered at the Montréal World Film Festival, winning the Grand Prize of the Americas and other awards.[2] It was released in France as Liberté in February 2010, where it grossed $601,252; revenues from Belgium and the United States brought the international total to $627,088.[3] The film's music, which was composed by Tony Gatlif and Delphine Mantoulet, received a nomination in the Best Music Written for a Film category at the 36th annual César Awards.



Korkoro has been called "a rare cinematic tribute" to those killed in the Porajmos.[4] In general, it received positive reviews from critics, including praise for having an unusually leisurely pace for a Holocaust film.[5] Critics regarded this as one of the director's best works, and with Latcho Drom consider it the "most accessible" of his films. The film is said to be showing Romanies in a non-stereotypical way, far from their clichéd depictions as musicians.
Contents [hide]


1 Plot

2 Production

2.1 Background
BackgroundFurther information: Porajmos, Antiziganism




Romani arrivals in the Bełżec extermination camp await instructionsDuring World War II, the Porajmos was the attempt by Nazi Germany, the Independent State of Croatia, Horthy's Hungary and their allies to exterminate the Romani people of Europe.[7] Under Hitler’s rule, both Romanies and Jews were defined as "enemies of the race-based state" by the Nuremberg Laws; the two groups were targeted by similar policies and persecution, culminating in the near annihilation of both populations in Nazi-occupied countries.[8] Estimates of the death toll of Romanies in World War II range from 220,000 to 1,500,000.[9]



Because Eastern European Romani communities were less organised than Jewish communities, Porajmos was not well documented. There also existed a trend to downplay the actual figures, according to Ian Hancock, director of the Program of Romani Studies at the University of Texas at Austin.[10] Tony Gatlif, whose films mostly have Romanies as subjects, had long wanted to make a documentary on this less well-known subject, but the lack of enough documented evidence coupled with the absence of accurate pre-war census figures for the Romanies made it difficult.[11]


2.2 Development
DevelopmentGatlif's quest began in 1970 when he approached Matéo Maximoff, a French writer of Romani ethnicity. The two went to Montreuil to interview the Romanies there who refused to discuss the subject. Gatlif was also researching the Justes, the French who attempted to shield the Romanies from persecution.[12] Following former French President Jacques Chirac's efforts to honour the Justes,[13] Gatlif came across Yvette Lundy,[11] a former schoolteacher in Gionges, La Marne, who had been deported for forging documents for the Romanies.[14] Gatlif came across an anecdote by Jacques Sigot, a historian who has documented the Porajmos,[15] which would later help with the story.[11] The anecdote is about a Romani family saved from being sent to the camp at Montreuil-Bellay by a French lawyer who sold them his home for a single franc. Unable to adjust to a stationary lifestyle, the family took to the streets, which led to their arrest in northern France and eventual incarceration in the Auschwitz concentration camp.[12]

The characters in Korkoro are drawn from Sigot's anecdote. The film traces the Romani Taloche's escape, with help from a French notary, from the Nazis in Nazi occupied France, and his subsequent inability to lead a non-nomadic life. The character Théodore Rosier is based on the notary in the anecdote.^[11] The other Juste character, Lise Lundi, is based on Yvette Lundy and an old teacher of Gatlif's from Belcourt in Algeria who was a communist and an aide with the Front de Libération Nationale (National Liberation Front).^[12]
Intended to be a documentary, Korkoro became a drama because of the lack of sufficient supporting documents. Gatlif wrote the initial script in one month; further modifications later followed which made the film's style a narrative by the characters Rosier and Lundi. Gatlif used Lundy's help to write the scenes related to her, to which he added his own experiences with his teacher. The first appearance of the Romanies in the film is inspired by the way the nomadic Romanies showed up in the middle of nowhere after Gatlif had been working on the characterisation for over a year. Another year was spent in developing Taloche's character.^[11]
2.3 Casting
CastingGatlif wanted to represent the entire Romani community through the characterization of Félix Lavil dit Taloche's naiveté and purity. For example, Taloche is shown as being afraid of ghosts, which echoes the Romanies' phobia. For Taloche's role, Gatlif needed a musician with acrobatic skills, which was very hard to find. In Paris at the Théâtre de la Ville, he was impressed James Thiérrée, a grandson of Charlie Chaplin. A non-Romani, (though Chaplin's grandmother was Romani) Thiérrée learned Romani and Gypsy swing music in six months.[11)

For Théodore Rosier, Gatlif wanted someone who looked like a typical Frenchman of the time, with a "voice and face a little like that of Pierre Fresnay, Maurice Ronet, Jacques Charrier or Gérard Philippe", which he found in Marc Lavoine.^[11] Marie-Josée Croze was the obvious choice for Mademoiselle Lise Lundi. Gatlif had envisioned Lundi as being like a "Hitchcock character: fragile, mysterious and strong".^[11]

Pierre Pentecôte, the militia character played by Carlo Brandt, was presented with a pitiful look, rather than a caricature villain. Gatlif depicted him as a character with a drooping hat and a few extra pounds to symbolise the fat militia of the period. The orphan, P'tite Claude, was played by Mathias Laliberté. Rufus was chosen by Gatlif for the role of Fernand because of his typical French looks. Puri Dai, the grandmother, was played by Raya Bielenberg, a Soviet-born Norwegian artist and 2005 recipient of Oslo City art award, who uses music and dance in an effort to make the Romani culture better known in Norway.^[16] Gatlif found her in Oslo.^[11] The other notable characters in the movie, Darko, Kako, Chavo, Zanko and Tatane were played by Arben Bajraktaraj, Georges Babluani, Ilijir Selimoski, Kevyn Diana and Thomas Baumgartner respectively.^[11] A minor character named Levis was played by then 11-year-old great-grandson of Django Reinhardt, a virtuoso jazz guitarist and composer of Manouche gypsy ethnicity.^[17] The cast included people of many nationalities, Albanian, Kosovar, Georgian, Serbian, French and Norwegian along with the nine Romanies Gatlif found living in extreme poverty in Transylvania.^[11] Arrangements were made for these Romanies to stay in France for the three to four months it took to shoot the film.^[12
2.4 Filming
The film was shot in Loire, in the Monts du Forez, Rozier-Côtes-d'Aurec and Saint-Bonnet-le-Château.[18] The tools used in the movie, which were very similar to the ones employed in 1943, came from Transylvania. The barbed wire fences of the concentration camps are genuine ones built by the Nazis in Romania which can be differentiated from the ones used for cattle by their denser spacing.[12]




The male actors were asked to grow their hair and moustaches. The actors also had to diet to lose weight to achieve the look of World War II characters.[11] The costumes had a faded look, a reflection that people of the period owned few clothes, often only two outfits. None of the actors knew the script in advance and were only informed each night before of what they were to do in their daily scenes. The Romanies were not aware of the historic events that were the basis of the movie, and were only told that the story was set in hard times comparable to Ceaușescu's tenure in Romania.[12] In the scene where the Romanies revolt against the police over the death of Taloche, they were made aware of the character's death only when the scene was being shot, leading to a genuine outpouring of emotions, making their fight with the police appear more real. Gatlif later remarked in an interview that this scene stands for the actual revolt[12] by the Romanies in Auschwitz on May 16, 1944.[19]

Thierrée was the only actor allowed to improvise. His characterisation of Taloche was built on spontaneity, and in many instances, Gatlif had no clue how he would act in a scene, such as in the tap scene in which he plunges into a stairwell. In another scene, in which he dances with war music in the background, Thierrée pretended to make love to the earth like an animal. Gatlif, who had wanted the character to have the ability to sense forthcoming danger, like animals often do, stated that Thierrée was suitable for the role because he is very much an animal. The dance scene where Taloche is shown falling from a tree was done without stunt doubles.^[11]

2.5 Music
MusicLiberté


Soundtrack album Korkoro by Various

Released March 2, 2010 (2010-03-02)

Genre Soundtrack

Length 50:52

Language French

Label Universal France

Producer Tony Gatlif



Music plays a very important role in all Gatlif's films, such as Latcho Drom and Gadjo dilo, Scott Tobias noted in his review for NPR.[4] Korkoro is no exception: the importance of music is evident from the opening credits in which barbed wire fences vibrate to the tune of plucked strings of a guitar and a cymbalum in line with the opening lines of the screenplay, "the barbed wire sings in the wind",[17] to the oddest tools used to make music, such as the clanking of buckets and wagon wheels.[4]

The background score was composed by Tony Gatlif and Delphine Mantoulet. The main theme of the songs is the Romani association with France. Despite the sad story, there are cheerful tracks too, with pieces for the waltz, tarantella and java. The film's music plays a prominent role from the opening credits to Catherine Ringer's track in the closing credits, "Les Bohemians", a waltz piece written by Gatlif and Mantoulet, which is described as setting the tone for the film.[20][21] "Les Bohemians" is the first French song ever featured in a Gatlif movie. Gatlif chose Ringer for the track, inspired by the "blood in the mouth" feel to her voice. The song translates as "Good luck to you all, if anyone worries that we’re gone, tell them we’ve been thrown from the light and the sky, we the lords of this vast universe."[11] The java dance piece composed by Delphine accompanies a scene where the characters secretly congregate in a barn for dancing, signifying the scenario then when public gatherings were prohibited.[17] The track "Un Poulailler A La Bastilles", sung by Gatlif's son Valentin Dahmani, plays on the existing stereotype of Romanies as chicken thieves. The film also incorporates sound effects of horses, explosions and a watch mechanism. The soundtrack also has a tune of the "Le Temps des cerises", the revolutionary song of the Paris Commune. The music for the song's version in the movie was composed by Gatlif, using clockwork sounds and banjo. Other soundtrack vocalists included Kalman Urszuj, Sandu Ciorba and Ikola.[20]




A soundtrack album was released in February, 2010. It was nominated for the César Award in 2011 in the category Best Music Written for a Film, but lost to Alexandre Desplat's The Ghost Writer.[22] Korkoro's soundtrack is said to invoke mixed feelings like good humour, nostalgia and fear, creating a universe parallel to the film.[20]


3 Themes and analysis
Themes and analysisKokoro has been compared to Schindler's List, a well-known Holocaust movie.[4] In his directing style Gatlif juxtaposed the vibrant Romani culture against the backdrop of war.[21] In particular, reviewers commented on the subtle manner in which he dealt with the horrofic aspects of war, and the manner in which he portrayed the Romanies in a non-stereotypical way. In addition to the Romani characters, the film also has a spy for the French Resistance and a Dickensian orphan.[4] Critics also made comparisons between the state of the Romanies in the film, set during World War II, and their circumstances in the present.[23]



3.1 Holocaust elements
Holocaust elementsCritics compared Korkoro to Stephen Spielberg's Schindler's List because of the sacrifices Rosier made to protect the Romanies from the Nazis. A review in Moving Pictures Network called it "Schindler's List minus the happy ending", citing a lack of comic relief, creating an inability to connect with the audience.[23] The opening scene, a close-up shot of barbed wire fences stretched along wooden posts with internment camp barracks in the background, is an image common to many Holocaust films, wrote Scott Tobias, who also commented on the "Schindlerian" actions of Rosier who gives his home to the Romanies—an assessment backed up by Eric Hynes's review in Time Out, New York.[4][24] Sophie Benamon at L'Express observed that Gatlif dealt with the horrors of the Holocaust by hinting at them through symbolism, such as portraying an abandoned child, suggesting imprisoned parents, and a clock with Hebrew markings seen lying abandoned in the middle of the railroad tracks, implying the passage of a train taking Jews to a ghetto.[25] Jr Glens Heath, writing forSlant Magazine, remarked that Gatlif's characterisation of the incomplete historic archives with which he was presented made the film a very "personal WWII historiography", where the characters "transcend victimisation" rather than mire themselves in melodrama, regarded as a typical Holocaust movie characteristic.[26] Michael Nordine wrote for Hammer to Nail that this film cannot be compared with Life is Beautiful and other "uplifting tales" with Holocaust themes because of its straightforward portrayal of realistic events.[27]



3.2 Gatlif's "Gypsy soul"
There were many reviews on the way Gatlif has depicted the Romanies, comparing it with their portrayals in his earlier movies. A reviewer in Variety said that the film's central theme lies in its depiction of the "Gypsy soul", which is its unique element, rather than its rather clichéd portrayal of the Holocaust.^[28] Tobias noted that Gatlif has depicted Romanies as "a tight, syncopated unit than a motley collection of individuals", citing a scene where the members of a group are distressed, even though they have escaped from a ghetto, until a missing person rejoins them.^[4] Unlike his earlier films, in which the Romanies were stereotyped as musicians, Korkoro depicts them as possessing many other skills, for example as healers and blacksmiths, and that its portrayal reveals their communitarian side along with their respect for unique individual qualities, stated Odile Tremblay at Le Devoir.^[29] Brian Lafferty's (East County Magazine) comments were quite the opposite, complaining that the characterisations were "bland and generic with no unique identity" except for Taloche's, which was considered more of an annoyance.^[30] Rachel Saltz at The New York Times attributed Korkoro's "unexpectedly leisurely quality" to the Gypsy way of living, their music, colours and bond with nature.^[5] The film also depicts the Romanies' aversion to being tied down to one location, observed Harvey Karten at Arizona Reporter,^[31] and some of their customs, such as silencing the sounds of horse's hooves with cloth bags, according to The Village Voice's reviewer Nick Schager.^[32] Dan Bennett at North County Times approved of the appropriate costumes used in the movie, making it "a visually stylish and detail-friendly look at the nomadic lifestyle" that prevailed at the time.^[33]
3.3 Freedom as a theme
Freedom as a themeA few critics suggested freedom as a theme in light of the importance shown by the characters to it. True to its title, which is a Romani word for freedom, Gatlif used his freedom to direct a tangential, poignant romantic story with the historical documents available to him, unlike other movies with similar themes, remarked Jacques Mandelbaum at Le Monde.[21] The Village Voice review declared that it is "a magnificent paean to the mad ecstasy of freedom".[32]The Arizona Reporter review added that, for the Romanies, freedom means "being able to keep in motion, that is, the journey, not the destination, is the reward". It observed the importance the characters give to freedom, citing the scene where Taloche becomes concerned that water is being "held against its will" in the taps, and "releases" it to overflow the sink onto the bathroom floor, and then the stairs, with Taloche blissfully sliding down the stairs as if he were on a Disney ride.^[31] Alexis Campion at Le Journal du Dimanche remarked that Gatlif has refreshingly portrayed the Romanies as "free-spirited" characters and added that this historic film is a tribute to those free souls who take to the streets even today.^[1] The Télérama review was of the opinion that the movie runs out of steam during the scenes depicting historic events, but gains momentum in the forests and on the roads, where its characters' passion for freedom, and hence Lavoine's and Croze's characters, get sidelined by that of Thierrée's, with his St. Vitus' dance and Dostoyevsky-like ruminations.^[34] It added that Taloche is the true "incarnation" of freedom.^[
Mirroring the current times

A section of critics wrote on the relevance of the movie to the current times. In an interview, Gatlif stated that he wanted the movie to mirror the current times, adding that the times have not changed much, and that while the political extermination has gone, the psychological and political views of Romanies have not. He criticised the French law that allows wanderers to stay in one place only for 24 hours. He was also critical of the plight of Romanies in Hungary, Romania and Italy.[11] He went on that the state of the Romanies now in many places, "with the rows of homeless people people waiting for a bowl of soup with a tin can on their hands", is not very different from that in the concentration camps.[12] Gatlif also lashed out against the fact that until 1969, Romanies were required to have their papers stamped at a police station or city hall whenever they arrived at or left a French village.[11] Bob Hill at Moving Pictures Network remarked that the movie draws parallels to the fact that "we are once again veering toward a culture in which regimes and wealth determine who has the right to live free — and who has no rights at all", and cited present happenings such as the developments in the Middle East, racial wars and inter-country disputes. It added that the movie makes the audience ask themselves if they live in a society that embraces or condemns diversity.[23]





3.4 Mirroring the current times

4 Release

5 Reception

5.1 Box office

5.2 Critical response

5.3 Awards

6 References

7 External links

PlotSet during World War II in rural Vichy France, the film begins with a nine year old French boy, Claude (Mathias Laliberté) escaping from an orphanage, deciding not to stay confined under state protection for the rest of his childhood. He then comes across a Romani caravan, consisting of an extended family of 20 men, women and children, who decide to adopt this orphaned boy. The Romani start calling Claude, Korkoro, the free one. Claude too gets fascinated by their nomadic lifestyle and decides to stay with them.[6]




The caravan sets up camp outside a small wine-growing village, hoping to find seasonal work in the vineyards and a place to sell their wares. The village, as was the trend, is divided into two factions—one welcomes the Romanies, and the other sees them as an intrusion. Théodore Rosier (Marc Lavoine), the village mayor and veterinarian, and Mademoiselle Lundi (Marie-Josée Croze), a school teacher and clerk in city hall, are two of the friendlier villagers. The Vichy France gendarmerie used the documentation made in the passports of its citizens to monitor their movements for which a threshold was set, along with imprisonment for violations This adversely affected the Romanies. Lundi uses her powers as a clerk, and forges their passports, removing the documentation about their movements.[5]



Later, when Rosier has an accident outside the village, he is rescued by the Romanies, who treat the mayor with their traditional healing practices. Rosier returns the favour by selling them his father's house, in a move to protect them from the Fascist policy of imprisoning the homeless. Lundi decides to provide formal education for the children by enrolling them in her school. However, these friendly gestures are not well-received by the freedom-loving Romanies, who regard life in a fixed place and formal education with rules as little better than imprisonment.



Eventually when the Nazis arrive, Rosier and Lundi are revealed to be members of the French Resistance which leads to their arrest and torture. The Nazis round up the Romanies who are then sent to concentration camps. Claude, then cared for by Rosier chooses to go with the Romanies.[6]
__________________
http://movies.nytimes.com/2011/03/25/movies/stories-of-war-through-a-gypsy-lens.html
For a more realistic and nuanced view of Gypsy culture during this period, and the role Gypsies played as victims and also resistance fighters during the Holocaust, read Jan Yoor's two fine books, "The Gypsies" (a true story about the Roma people before the war) and "The Crossing" (about Gypsies during the Holocaust).




It's a shame that Gatlif didn't use these two fine books as the basis for his movie. If he had a good writer--and somebody who could smell a cliche a mile away--he might be able to produce top-flight films.

Psalm of David

http://www.chabad.org/dailystudy/tehillim.asp?tDate=5/17/2012

Verses 1-96


David composed this prominent psalm in alphabetical sequence-eight verses for each letter. Every verse contains one of the following words (referring to different aspects of Torah): Way; Torah; Testimony; Precept; Commandment; Statement (translated here as Word or Promise); Word; Judgement (or Laws); Righteousness; Statute. Replete with morals and prayers, this psalm should be recited daily, as a powerful preparation for the service of God. (In verses beginning with one of the letters of the mnemonic PeReTZ BeN DaMaH, the word "עדותיך" is pronounced "eidvotecha.")



1. Fortunate are those whose way is artless, who walk with the Torah of the Lord. 2. Fortunate are those who keep His testimonies, who seek Him with all their hearts. 3. Indeed, they have not done iniquity; they walk in His ways. 4. You have commanded Your precepts to be observed diligently. 5. My wish is that my ways be directed to keep Your statutes. 6. Then I will not be ashamed, when I behold all Your commandments. 7. I will give thanks to You with uprightness of heart, when I learn Your righteous judgments. 8. I will keep Your statutes; do not utterly forsake me 9. How can a young man keep his way pure? By observing Your word. 10. With all my heart I have sought You; do not let me stray from Your commandments. 11. I have harbored Your word in my heart, that I might not sin against You. 12. Blessed are You, O Lord; teach me Your statutes. 13. With my lips I have declared all the judgments of Your mouth. 14. I have rejoiced in the way of Your testimonies, as I would with all riches. 15. I will speak of Your precepts, and gaze upon Your ways. 16. I will delight in Your statutes; I will not forget Your word. 17. Deal kindly with Your servant, that I may live to keep Your word. 18. Unveil my eyes, that I may behold wonders from Your Torah. 19. I am a sojourner on earth; do not hide Your commandments from me. 20. My soul is crushed with a longing for Your judgments every moment. 21. You have rebuked the accursed scoffers, those who stray from Your commandments. 22. Remove insult and contempt from me, for I have kept Your testimonies. 23. Though princes sat and spoke against me, Your servant speaks of Your statutes. 24. Indeed, Your testimonies are my delight; they are my counsellors. 25. My soul cleaves to the dust; revive me in accordance with Your word. 26. I have spoken of my ways, and You answered me; teach me Your statutes. 27. Make me understand the way of Your precepts, and I will speak of Your wonders. 28. My soul drips away out of grief; sustain me according to Your word. 29. Remove from me the way of falsehood, and graciously endow me with Your Torah. 30. I have chosen the way of faith; Your judgments have I laid before me. 31. I held fast to Your testimonies, O Lord; put me not to shame. 32. I will run on the path of Your commandments, for You will broaden my heart. 33. Teach me, O Lord, the way of Your statutes, and I will keep it to the last. 34. Grant me understanding and I will keep Your Torah; I will observe it with all my heart. 35. Direct me in the path of Your commandments, for that is my desire. 36. Incline my heart to Your testimonies, and not to greed. 37. Avert my eyes from seeing vanity; by Your ways give me life. 38. Fulfill for Your servant Your promise, which brings to the fear of You. 39. Remove my shame which I fear, for Your judgments are good. 40. Behold, I have longed for Your precepts; give me life in Your righteousness. 41. And let Your kindness come to fruition for me, O Lord, Your salvation as You promised. 42. I will offer a retort to those who taunt me, for I trust in Your word. 43. Do not at all remove the word of truth from my mouth, for I hope [to fulfill] Your judgments. 44. I will keep Your Torah continually, for ever and ever. 45. And I will walk in spacious paths, for I seek Your precepts. 46. I will speak of Your testimonies before kings, and I will not be ashamed. 47. And I will delight in Your commandments, which I love. 48. I will lift up my hands to Your commandments, which I love, and I will speak of Your statutes.. 49. Remember the word [promised] to Your servant, by which You gave me hope. 50. This is my comfort in my affliction, for Your word has given me life. 51. [Though] the wicked ridicule me severely, I have not strayed from Your Torah. 52. When I remember Your judgments of old, O Lord, I take comfort. 53. Trembling seized me because of the wicked, those who forsake Your Torah. 54. Your statutes have been my songs in the house of my wanderings. 55. At night I remembered Your Name, O Lord, and I kept Your Torah. 56. All this came to me because I kept Your precepts. 57. The Lord is my portion; I pledged to keep Your words. 58. I pleaded before You with all my heart: have compassion upon me according to Your word. 59. I contemplated my ways, and returned my feet to Your testimonies. 60. I hurried and did not delay to keep Your commandments. 61. Bands of wicked men plundered me, [but] I did not forget Your Torah. 62. At midnight, I rise to thank You for Your righteous judgments. 63. I am a friend to all who fear You, and to those who keep Your precepts. 64. Your kindness, O Lord, fills the earth; teach me Your statutes. 65. You have dealt goodness to Your servant, O Lord, in accord with Your promise. 66. Teach me the goodness and wisdom of the [Torah's] reasons, for I believe in Your commandments. 67. Before I afflicted myself, I would blunder; but now I observe Your word. 68. You are good and benevolent; teach me Your statutes. 69. The wicked have smeared me with lies, [when in truth] I keep Your precepts with all my heart. 70. Their hearts grew thick as fat; but as for me, Your Torah is my delight.71. It is for my good that I was afflicted, so that I might learn Your statutes. 72. The Torah of Your mouth is better for me than thousands in gold and silver. 73. Your hands have made me and prepared me; grant me understanding, that I may learn Your commandments. 74. Those who fear You will see me and rejoice, because I hoped in Your word. 75. I know, O Lord, that Your judgments are just; righteously have You afflicted me. 76. Let Your kindness be my comfort, as You promised to Your servant. 77. Let Your mercies come upon me, that I may live, for Your Torah is my delight. 78. Let the scoffers be shamed, for they have maligned me with falsehood; but I will meditate upon Your precepts. 79. May those who fear You return to me, and those who know Your testimonies. 80. May my heart be perfect in Your statutes, so that I not be shamed. 81. My soul longs for Your salvation; I hope for Your word. 82. My eyes long for Your promise, saying, "When will You comfort me?” 83. Though I became [dried out] like a wineskin in smoke, I did not forget Your statutes. 84. How many are the days of Your servant? When will You execute judgment upon my pursuers? 85. The wicked have dug pits for me, in violation of Your Torah. 86. All Your commandments teach truth, [yet] they pursue me with lies, help me! 87. They nearly consumed me upon the earth, but I did not forsake Your precepts. 88. As befits Your kindness, grant me life, and I will keep the testimony of Your mouth. 89. Forever, O Lord, Your word stands firm in the heavens. 90. Your faithfulness persists for all generations; You established the earth, and it stands. 91. They stand ready today [to execute] Your judgments, for all are Your servants. 92. Had Your Torah not been my delight, I would have perished in my affliction. 93. Never will I forget Your precepts, for through them You have sustained me. 94. I am Yours; save me, for I have sought Your precepts. 95. The wicked hope to destroy me, but I meditate upon Your testimonies. 96. To every goal I have seen a limit, but Your commandment is immensely broad.

speedwell wildflowers

http://lancasterfarmacy.blogspot.com/2011/04/speedwell.html


There is nothing “typical” about a green lawn when speedwell is around. These colorful (varying


shades of blue) vibrant thumbtack sized wildflowers are all over North America by at least a half dozen


common species. With three large petals and one smaller petal pointed down they gather in yards and

gardens. They are members of the figwort family that include mulleins, toadflaxes, snapdragons, and

beardtongues.



It was once used to treat skin diseases, hemorrhages, wounds, coughs, and as a diuretic and

expectorant. The leaves were used in England as a substitute for tea. The Cherokee took this plant

with sweetener to get rid of coughs. They also used the warm juice to soothe earaches and a decoction

of the roots were said to help with childbirth. Speedwell has a great medicinal value for nervousness

caused by mental over exertion. One cup drunk before going to bed, through its soothing effect, is highly

beneficial.



Speedwell is one of the reasons we tell our friends to just let their lawn grow (you should too). Create

habitat for natures pollinators! Do away with the chemical carpet that we call lawn. If you mow, poison,

or “weed” your lawn you are not taking care of it. The land wants you to embrace the bio diversity that

it puts forth. Taking care would be to let it renew, regrow and of course rewild.



Oh and eat some by the way…the blue flowers make a great addition placed on top of icing on cupcakes

and the leaves, flowers, and stalks can be added to salads.

.

Medal_for_the_General

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medal_for_the_General

Medal for the General From Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search Medal for the General




Godfrey Tearle (second from left) and Petula Clark (third from left) in a scene from the film

Directed by Maurice Elvey

Produced by Louis H. Jackson

Written by Elizabeth Baron

Based on the novel by James Ronald

Starring Godfrey Tearle

Jeanne De Casalis

Petula Clark

Music by William Alwyn

Cinematography Arthur Grant

James Wilson

Editing by Grace Garland

Studio British National Films Company

Distributed by Anglo-American Film Corporation (UK)

Four Continents Films (US)

Release date(s) 23 July 1944 [1]

Running time 100 minutes (UK)

84 minutes (US)

Country United Kingdom

Language English



Medal for the General is a 1944 British comedy film directed by Maurice Elvey. The screenplay by Elizabeth Baron is based on the novel of the same title by James Ronald.



Contents [hide]

1 Plot

2 Production

3 Cast

4 Critical reception

5 References

6 External links





[edit] PlotThe title character is Victor Church, a World War I veteran who becomes despondent when his advancing age prevents him from playing an active role in the battles of World War II. Feeling unwanted and useless, he retreats to his country estate and plans his suicide. He finds a new purpose in life when he opens his home to six rambunctious Cockney children evacuated from the London slums and tries to keep the mischievous group under control.



[edit] ProductionDirector Maurice Elvey was still searching for a young girl to portray the precocious orphan Irma when he attended a charity concert to benefit the National Fire Service at Royal Albert Hall. On the bill was eleven-year-old Petula Clark, who in addition to singing appeared in a comedy sketch written by her father. Elvey was so impressed by her performance he went backstage and offered her the role in his film.[2] The following year he cast her in I Know Where I'm Going!, and the two reunited for the 1954 film The Happiness of Three Women.



[edit] CastGodfrey Tearle ..... Gen. Victor Church

Jeanne De Casalis ..... Lady Frome

Morland Graham..... Bates

Mabel Constanduros..... Mrs. Bates

John Laurie ..... McNab

Patric Curwen..... Dr. Sargeant

Thorley Walters ..... Andrew

Alec Faversham..... Hank

Michael Lambart..... Lord Ottershaw

Irene Handl ..... Mrs. Famsworth

Rosalyn Boulter..... Billetting Officer

Petula Clark ..... Irma

[edit] Critical receptionThe Times said, "Medal for the General is hardly a subtle or intellectual film, but it is warmhearted and the acting and direction show tact and good sense throughout." [1]



The Daily Telegraph thought the story "is hardly promising material, and the sentimental way in which it is treated does nothing to make it more palatable." [1]



[edit] References1.^ a b c Petula Clark Film Companion London: Meeting Point Publications 1998

2.^ Kon, Andrea, This is My Song: A Biography of Petula Clark. London: W.H. Allen 1983. ISBN 0-491-02898-9. pp. 44-45

[edit] External linksMedal for the General at the Internet Movie Database

tonics and bees

tonics

We've been talking a bees for awhile now and at the end of the fall we started piecing together the equipment needed. A few months later, we have 3 established hives and they all seem to be happily moving in and out finding a great source of dandelion, now buttercups and soon black locust flowers. We have been taking a monthly course in beekeeping from Dave Papke on the other side of the river who is an experienced beekeeper with lots of wisdom to share. We're discovering a huge network of people keeping bees and we're learning how to be helpful in the cycle of honey bees pollination. With more and more pesticides and mite infestations in our environment, the bees struggle to be able to survive so we hope by tending to them and keeping them happy to be "working toward a sustainable future one flower at a time"


If you look closely, you will see these worker bees loaded with pollen on their back legs like saddlebags carrying pollen colors of yellow, orange and white. These insects are mesmerising to watch in their daily routine and even have a dance called the waggle dance to notify others in the colony where the best nectar and honey sources are. All of there senses and direction are driven by the sun.



A look inside one of our hive frames. The queen has been laying her eggs and tiny larva are forming and the worker bees are collecting their honey and storing it for the new bees to come.

______________________________________________________
http://lancasterfarmacy.blogspot.com/2011/04/spring-time-time-for-tonics.html

springtime is a great time for detoxing our body after winter hibernation when we can get sluggish. Tonics are a perfect way to "nurture and enliven" our system in the words of herbalist David Hoffman. They help wake the body from our winter rest and get important things like our bile moving to cleanse our liver which can hold many of our toxins. It only makes sense that the earliest herbs we see in spring are the ones that we should be injesting too. Dandelion, chickweed, violet, nettles, and more. Spring tonics with herbs high in nutrients and minerals and that stimulate and discharge our blood are good for our digestive system, lymphatic system, and urinary system. This batch of spring tonic we made consists of stinging nettles, chickweed, spice bush, sassafras root, dandelion, turkey tail and molasses as a preservative. We spent a sunny but cool spring day building up a fire at Susquehannock State Park, collecting water from the spring, harvesting herbs and making a decoction of the tonic.


Chickweed Stellaria media


Such a common and often overlooked plant that gets written off as "just a weed." "Little star" is a reference to the many sweet star like flowers that line its stems. It's an amazing all-purpose healing plant used internally and externally. It is considered a cooling herb and found in every continent and found even under the snow. Its a great source of food and contains saponins which have soap like action that works to emulsify and permeate membranes in our cells to absorb beneficial nutrients and minerals, making it great for the lymphatic system and glandular system. It neutralizes toxins, weakens bacteria cell walls to fight off sickness in the body, dissolves warts and growths and cysts. Susan Weed writes extensively about this plant and includes that it is great in helping with thyroid irregularities and weight problems.

Spice Bush


Lindera benzoin

Spice bush budding about to unfurl its oval lobed leaves.

Spicebush is a common shrub of swamps and woodlands throughout North America. Spicebush is one of the first plants to bloom in the spring and is named for the aromatic, spicy scent that arises from its leaves, flowers, bark and fruit.

Spicebush includes the brewing of teas from the crushed, dried leaves and the grinding of the dried berries for a seasoning spice. The teas are said to have a range of medicinal properties that include relief of fatigue, pain, arthritis, fever, cold symptoms, intestinal disorders and even breathing difficulties. Oils from the berries can be applied topically to treat bruises and rheumatic pain and as a general fist-aid ointment for cuts.

Stinging Nettles Urtica Dioica


I like to call nettles "natures pharmacy" because it is so beneficial to our bodies being pack with vitamins, minerals, protein and nutrition for the body. They are great to strengthen the kidneys, help heal damaged tissue areas, support the body and balance the adrenal system, immune, digestive, circulatory, endocrine and nervous system! It is incredibly beneficial for women in their menstrual/moon cycles. Great externally for promoting healthy strong hair and skin, making it great for eczema. Don't let the little sting deter you, just wear your gloves or not!

check out our new rap we wrote after our first beekeeping workshop...


Dandelion Taraxacum Officinale


Everyone knows this herb and often writes it off as another weed. It is a powerfully medicinal plant, so learn a new appreciation for this one and its healing actions! Dandelion is bitter. Bitter herbs like Dandelion help to nourish the liver by stimulating flow and discharge of bile that help flush out the body. Dandelion is also a natural diuretic. It helps relive water and toxins without depleting the body like many over the counter prescriptions do because it contains tons of potassium. Like the other herbs mentioned already, it helps digestive weakness and strength the blood. Gather the leaves and flowers to eat in salads or stir fries, and the root is great for teas and tonics.

Turkey Tail


Trametes versicolor

Part of the polypore mushroom family, Turkey Tail is a highly medicinal and easily found in the woods growing on decaying logs with its colorful stripes and turkey fan tail. Its main effects are to strengthen the immune system. It helps to enhance the most important cells in our body, T helper cells. These are the ones that tell the rest of our cells what to do and when to stop. Many autoimmune diseases and cancers attack these important cells especially during chemotherapy and radiation because they inadvertently kills T helper cells so go Turkey Tail!

Sassafras Sassafras albidum


We love this under story tree for its sweet aroma, its mitten leaves and for the amazing teas it makes from the root. The root is typically harvested in the spring to made into a tonic for cleansing the blood. It is considered one of the best alterative herbs. Alteratives are "herbs that gradually restore proper functioning of the body, increasing health and vitality. Some support natural waste elimination via the kidneys, liver, lungs, or skin. Others stimulate digestion" -David Hoffman, Medical Herbalism. Sassafras also has value as a stimulant, pain reliever, astringent and treatment for rheumatism. Skin eruptions may be bathed in an infusion from the leaves.





I want to honor the Native Americans of our region, the Susquehannock and the Conestoga who practiced their healing traditions and shared things like using Sassafras for its medicine. I think about what the woods used to look like before the indigenous were pushed out and killed by the white settlers. I think about people living closely to the earth, foraging food from the forest that provided, living off and from the land, utilizing everything and being connected and a part of the earth that so many are estranged from today. On a daily basis, I witness the logging of our forests, the over killing of animals for fun, the spraying chemicals on our soil, the dumping trash into our water ways, the mass production of animals and food for consumption and none of it makes any sense. So wherever we are and how ever small we are, every time we harvest our plants, we make sure to replant one in return, and we find ways to protect all life from any more prolonged abuse in whatever ways we can.

"We Bee Buzzn"

by dream like a bear

(casey and eli's band)





We bee buzz'n

busting back bonkers over bees

bee dealn, free wheelin

bee buzz'n

we're gona get a nuc,

buzz'n with bees not no nuclear here

we got a super deluxe

deeps and shallows,

screens to keep the mites out

but we'll tell you bout that more another day

so spring is clear,

the nectars near, the brude is breeding

we bee buzz'n,

you may jiv'n but we be hiv'n

you maybe beat box'n

but we be bbbbbbbbbee buzzzzzzz'n

The ascent of the soul and the three millenia

http://www.chabad.org/dailystudy/hayomyom.asp?tDate=5/21/2012
The ascent of the soul1 occurs three times daily, during the three times of davening. This is particularly true of the souls of tzadikim who "go from strength to strength."2 It is certain that at all times and in every sacred place they may be, they offer invocation and prayer on behalf of those who are bound to them and to their instructions, and who observe their instructions. They offer prayer in particular for their disciples and disciples' disciples, that G-d be their aid, materially and spiritually.






Compiled and arranged by the Lubavitcher Rebbe, Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, of righteous memory, in 5703 (1943) from the talks and letters of the sixth Chabad Rebbe, Rabbi Yosef Yitzchak Schneersohn, of righteous memory.

FOOTNOTES

1. Of the departed.

2. Tehillim 84:8, i.e. from level to level.

 
The Third Millennium






Adapted from a public talk by the Lubavitcher Rebbe

"A thousand years, in Your eyes," says the Psalmist, "is like yesterday's day." The Kabbalists explain that the seven days of creation are replayed, on the macro-historical level, in the seven-millennia course of human history, which also consists of six workdays followed by a seventh millennium that is "wholly Shabbat and rest, for life everlasting"--the age of Moshiach.



The seven days of creation embody the seven divine attributes (sefirot) through which G-d defines His relationship with His creation. The first sefirah is chessed, the attribute of love; thus the first day of creation saw the creation of light, which represents the giving and bestowing elements of the created reality. On the second day, G-d created the firmament which divided between the waters that are above the heavens, and the waters that are beneath the heavens (i.e., between the spiritual and the physical realms); this was the day of gevurah, the attribute of rigor, restraint, judgment and delimitation. The third attribute, tiferet (harmony), is a synthesis of chessed and gevurah, reflected in the fact that G-d's work on the third day also included the setting of boundaries (of land and sea), but also the spawning of plant life on the face of the earth.



The same is true of the corresponding millennia of history. The first millennium was the millennium of chessed--an era of divine generosity and benevolence. In the second thousand years of history, G-d's relationship with His world was characterized by the rigor and judgment of gevurah. These were followed by the tiferet millennium--the age of synthesis and harmony.



Divergent Endings



This explains a puzzling thing about the structure of the first three sections of the Torah--Bereishit (Genesis 1:1-6:8), Noach (ibid. 6:9-11:32) and Lech-Lecha (12:1-17:27).



The Torah is divided into 54 sections or Parshiot, each of which is studied and publicly read in the synagogue in the course of one week of the year. In this way, the Jew lives with the times (as Rabbi Schneur Zalman of Liadi expressed it), finding guidance and inspiration in the Torah-section that pertains to the specific segment of time which he occupies.



On the face of it, the Parshiot seem a rather arbitrary division of Torah. They vary greatly in length (from as few as 30 to as many as 176 verses) and do not conform to the Torah's logical division into chapters (which is of non-Jewish origin); many of them seem to include a number of unconnected events and laws, or to begin or end in mid-narrative. But a deeper examination always reveals the Parshah to be an integral unit of Torah, with a distinct theme and context of its own.



Such is the case with the sections of Bereishit, Noach and Lech-Lecha. The previous Lubavitcher Rebbe, Rabbi Yosef Yitzchak Schneeerson, told about an exchange he had when he was ten years old with his father, Rabbi Sholom DovBer:



When I entered my father's room in the early morning of Shabbat Lech-Lecha of 5651 (1891), I found him sitting at his table, reviewing the Torah-section of the week. Father was in very high spirits, yet tears were streaming from his eyes. I was very confused, for I was unable to understand this combination of elation and tears; but I did not dare to ask him about it.



That evening, father noticed that I very much wanted to say something and encouraged me to speak my mind. So I asked him about what I had seen that morning.



Father explained: Those were tears of joy.



Once, in the early years of his leadership, he continued, Our ancestor, Rabbi Schneur Zalman of Liadi, told his disciples: "One must live with the times..." What the Rebbe meant to say was that one should live with and experience, each day of ones' life, the Torah-section of the week and the specific portion of the weeks' section which belongs to that day...



"The section of Bereishit," continued father, "is a happy section: G-d is creating worlds and creatures and is satisfied that it is good. Its ending, however, is not so pleasant... In the section of Noach comes the Flood. It is a depressing week, but with a happy ending--Abraham our father is born.



"But the truly joyous week" father concluded, explaining his mood that morning, "is Lech-Lecha. Every day of the week we live with Abraham Our Father..."



Rabbi Shalom DovBer's description of the Torah's first three sections raises the obvious question of why are they in fact structured this way? Why mar the happy section of Bereishit with its not so pleasant ending describing the corruption of humanity and G-d's regret of His creation, especially since these last few verses (Genesis 6:1-8) actually begin the story of the Flood, the central theme of the section of Noach? A similar thing occurs at the end of Noach: after a detailed description of Noah's life and the events of the Flood and the Tower of Babel, the section closes with a brief account of the birth and early life of Abraham, whose life is to fill, with rich detail, the next three sections (Lech-Lecha, Vayeira and Chayei-Sarah). Surely, a far more natural division would have been for Noach to begin with the last eight verses of Bereishit, and for Lech-Lecha to open with Abraham's birth, a mere seven verses before the end of Noach!



But if we calculate the years given in the Torah's account of these events, we find that the section of Bereishit corresponds with the first millennium of history; that Noach chronicles the major events of its second millennium--the Flood (in the year 1656 from creation), the breakup of mankind into nations in the aftermath of the Tower of Babel (1996), and the birth (1948) and early years of Abraham; and that Lech-Lecha opens with G-d's call to Abraham to leave his birthplace and journey to the Holy Land--a call which came in Abrahams 75th year, in the year 2023 from creation.




In other words, all the events of Bereishit, including its uncharacteristic ending, belong to the age of chessed; all of Noach, including its account of the early years of Abraham, belongs to the age of gevurah; and the events of Lech-Lecha describe the first generation of the age of tiferet, whose story unfolds in the next 50 sections of the Torah: the lives of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; the descent into Egypt and the Exodus; and the highlight of the millennium, the revelation at Sinai where G-d communicated His Torah to man.



The Three Mentors



Chassidic teaching defines the differences between these three phases of human history by employing the model of the relationship between a teacher and his pupil.



A great master wishes to impart wisdom to a vastly inferior pupil. One approach is to go ahead and communicate his ideas to the pupil: if the teacher is wise enough, patient enough and resourceful enough, he will find the words and analogies with which to convey the loftiest of concepts even to a most mediocre mind.



A second approach is for the teacher to compel the pupil to conceive, analyze and comprehend the ideas on his own. The teacher will withhold the knowledge from the pupil and provide him only with the pertinent rules and the methodology; the teacher will then stand by as the pupil struggles on his own, intervening only to rebuke his blunders and prod his achievements. By this method, the pupil will learn to use his own faculties to arrive at his own insights.



Each of these two approaches has its advantages and shortcomings. In the case of the benevolent master, the pupil benefits from a level of understanding that is vastly superior to anything he is capable of attaining on his own. But such intellectual charity does little to develop the mind of the pupil. The pupil has gained only the specific ideas which have been inserted into his brain; on his own, he cannot repeat the process by which they were conceived, nor can he expand upon them or apply them to other areas and dimensions of knowledge.



The withholding master has a more meaningful effect on his pupil. His restraint and ingenerosity pay off: by refusing to reveal anything which lies beyond the students intellectual range, the teacher unearths his students true abilities, bringing to light potential powers which would never have been realized under the tutelage of a more benevolent master. On the other hand, whatever understanding the student can attain on his own will always be greatly inferior to what the teacher could confer upon him as a gift.



There is, however, a third approach which combines the virtues of the first two. A truly great teacher will integrate both these methods in his teaching, stimulating the pupil's mind to overreach itself by feeding it with thoughts and insights that lie just beyond its capacity, yet never revealing enough to allow him to become a passive recipient. The teacher then repeats the process with successively more profound ideas, which, when digested by the pupil's mind, nourish it and expand it from within. Ultimately, the teachers' blend of benevolence and restraint will elevate his pupil's mind to the level on which it not only comprehends the most sublime thoughts the teacher has to offer, but also assimilates them into its own thought-process and intellectual self.



From Creation to Sinai



For the first thousand years of history, G-d was a benevolent teacher who indulged the shortcomings of his pupil. Life was a free lunch. Righteous and wicked alike enjoyed long and prosperous lives. In a sense, this era was an extension of G-d's original act of creation: in its initial state of non-existence, the world obviously did not deserve to be created; its creation was an act of pure charity on the part of G-d, who granted it existence, purpose, and the potential for deservingness. Likewise, in the first millennia G-d gave indiscriminately, in order to provide humanity with the basis upon which to build and develop the world in accordance with His plan.




Thus, the corrupt world described in the last verses of Bereishit represents not the beginning of the age of rigor, but the closing years of the age of benevolence. They describe a morally immature world, in which all blessing, material or spiritual, is taken for granted. Indeed, it is the natural end of an era in which responsibility is neither assumed nor exacted, for humanity is yet to be weaned from an infantile dependence upon its Creator.



After a thousand years of unilateral bestowal, the era of chessed came to a close. In the second thousand years of creation, G-d challenged man to make it on his own. On the surface, the second millennium was a harsh, even tragic, era, for everything, including life itself, was earned solely by merit. At one point, there were only eight deserving human beings, and the rest of humanity perished in the Flood. At another point, the misguided building of the Tower of Babel resulted in the dispersion of the human race and its disintegration into nations separated by walls of incommunicativity and xenophobia. But this exacting justice on the part of G-d is what allowed the world to develop from within--to become a vital, productive world whose deeds have consequence and significance, instead of a world that is the passive recipient of divine charity.



The last generation of the second millennium yielded Abraham, the ultimate spiritually self-made-man. The son of a Mesopotamian idol-maker, he came to recognize the truth of a One G-d with nothing but the majesty of the universe and his own inquisitive mind to guide him. Single-handedly, he battled the entrenched paganism of his native land and won over a large following to the monotheistic faith and ethos he espoused. So the Abraham (or rather the Abram, as he was then called) of his first 75 years is very much a part of the Noach era; indeed, he represents its culminating and finest expression. If there is a single point to Abrahams early years it is that yes, man can make it on his own.



Then, upon the onset of the third millennium, Abraham heard the voice of G-d. Go, was the divine call, from your land, from your birthplace, and from your fathers house, to the land which I will show you. Now that you have obtained the utmost of your own, inborn potentials (your land, your birthplace, your father's house), you must reach beyond yourself, for the land that I will show you.



Thus began the journey into the millennium of tiferet, the millennium which saw the synthesis of the divinely bestowed and the humanly earned. A millennium which reached its climax at Mount Sinai, where G-d communicated to man His wisdom and will enclothed in the garments of human reason and human endeavor. A millennium in which the Torah breached the barrier between the G-dly and the terrestrial, allowing a divine gift to become a human achievement and a human effort to touch the divine.